The People's Chamber
ISSUE 77
MAY 29 – JUN 4, 2026
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Scottish National Party

The Scottish National Party's 2024 manifesto presented the SNP as a Scottish independence party at Westminster: page one line one was independence, the electoral mandate sought was a majority of Scottish seats, and the strategy was immediate section 30 powers from the UK Government. The election delivered the opposite. The SNP went from 48 seats to nine, vote share from 45 per cent to 30 per cent, and Labour won 37 Scottish seats on 35 per cent. The 2024 manifesto and the 2024 election were the same document and the same answer to it. The gap is between the Westminster independence strategy the manifesto required and the Holyrood only recovery operation the SNP has had to become.

On independence the manifesto promised that an SNP majority of Scottish seats would trigger immediate section 30 negotiations. The collapse removed the route. Swinney's Programme for Government redefined the ask as contingent on an SNP outright majority at the May 2026 Holyrood election, with a constitutional convention to follow. The 2024 ask was Westminster. The 2026 ask is Holyrood. The strategy has been postponed and rebuilt around a gamble polls are not predicting.

On the economy the manifesto demanded full devolution of income tax, National Insurance, VAT and windfall powers, and assumed a £30 billion annual revenue uplift from an independent Scotland rejoining the EU. The SNP position on new North Sea licences was "rigorously evidence led, case by case basis", materially softer than Labour's no new licences pledge. The economic case for independence cannot work if the SNP won't commit to climate policy as strong as Labour's. The constitutional economic argument has been left in the manifesto.

On welfare the manifesto's central demand was Westminster scrapping the two child benefit cap. Labour scrapped the cap at the November 2025 Budget. The defining welfare distinction the SNP took into the 2024 election has been delivered by the party that took most of the SNP's Westminster seats.

On the NHS the manifesto pledged £10 billion over ten years for Scottish NHS capital. Holyrood NHS delivery has been devolved to the Scottish Government since 2007. Waiting times, A&E performance and recruitment difficulties have been the dominant Scottish political questions through 2025 and 2026. The SNP controls the file on which it is most directly judged and cannot blame Westminster.

The nine MP parliamentary group has limited Westminster speaking time and limited strategic role. The party that ran Holyrood for nineteen years and provided the third largest Westminster group from 2015 to 2024 has become a regional administration playing for an electoral comeback. If polls do not predict an SNP Holyrood majority in May 2026, the recovery will not happen. The role the 2024 manifesto presumed was not deferred. It was a casualty of the election itself. Whether it can be restored is no longer the question. Whether the SNP's purpose survives without Westminster independence strategy is the question that remains.

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